The junta ruled the country with a heavy hand for over 20 years. In 2018, the NLD decision to name bridges after (Bamar) independence hero Aung San sparked resistance in some of the regions (Mon and Shan State). These fluctuations result from higher deficits, but also changes in the U.S. dollar exchange rate. Women also less often attend university. At the same time, the Tatmadaw has increased its offensives against the Arakan Army in Rakhine State, which could gain ground throughout 2018. These groups incite hatred against the Muslim minority and, to a lesser extent, against other religious minorities. At the same time, the ABS data highlights a tendency toward illiberalism, supported by a lack of understanding on how democracies work. The junta held free elections in 1990, which resulted in a landslide victory for the National League for Democracy (NLD) under the leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi. In addition, the implementation capacity of the government and administration is poor, mainly due to technical incompetence and widespread corruption on all levels. The internal decision-making processes within the NLD are highly hierarchical, and party leader Aung San Suu Kyi exercises a high level of control over the NLD members of parliament and other party members. The European Parliament passed a resolution on September 19 calling for the imposition of a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and referral of the situation of Myanmar to the ICC. From The Report: Myanmar 2020. In the wake of the 2008 Nargis cyclone, many local community organizations and NGOs have formed to address local social and economic grievances. A United Nations-mandated Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) found sufficient evidence to call for the investigation of senior military officials for crimes against humanity and genocide against ethnic Rohingya Muslims. Fiscal deficits remain prudent. The NLD is aware of the need to implement these reforms to attract foreign investment. Myanmar’s most important external partners are China, Japan and India. In 2015, ultra-nationalist groups successfully pressured the Thein Sein government to pass the four so-called Race and Religion Protection Laws, which advanced an Anti-Muslim agenda. According to the state constitution, all land and natural resources are owned by the state (Article 37). Failure to apply and continuing to use the affected land could mean up to two years in prison. At the end of 2018, 28 banks were operating inside the country: the four state-owned banks, ten semi-official and 14 private banks. Like the 2019 edition of the … Neither the Myanmar nor the Chinese governments have taken necessary steps to prevent trafficking, recover victims, bring perpetrators to justice, and assist survivors. Nearly 100% of agricultural products (e.g., animals and vegetables) and minerals were protected by these measures. The sixth Pwint Thit Sa/Transparency in Myanmar Enterprises (TiME) report was published on Monday 21 December. Although Aung San Suu Kyi could convince two smaller armies to sign the NCA in 2018, seven of the most powerful armies, including UWSA and KIO, have formed the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee. Nevertheless, decision-making was often challenging, in part owing to the military’s control over the ministries of interior, defense and border affairs as well as to its veto power in parliament. A new Companies Law came into effect in 2018. However, they are limited in their operations to foreign investors and domestic banks and are allowed to have one branch only. This has also come under criticism. The NLD has begun a revision of these laws, but Ma Ba Tha is mobilizing against this move. Name Description Date Download; SEA Factsheet Myanmar (Members Only) Myanmar IP Snapshot : July, 2020: ASEAN Regional Economic Outlook 2019: The report is produced by the ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Office (AMRO) for the use of the AMRO members and has been reviewed by the Executive Committee. Over the review period, the NLD-led government began to implement its twelve-point economic manifesto and lay the legal foundations for a functioning economy. Particularly those civil society organizations with contacts to the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAO) face the risk of being arrested. While the NLD-administration slightly reduced the influence of the (powerful) ultra-nationalist Buddhist monks in the Myanmar heartland, it did not even try to constrain the influence of the armed forces in matters relating to security and ethnic conflict. Inflation climbed to 8.8% in 2018/19 from 5.4% in 2017/18, well above the official 6% year-end target. The structural constraints are immense. The Rakhine Commission’s final report was released in August 2017 and called for several policy measures to improve the situation in Rakhine State, including improving infrastructure and the human rights situation of the Rohingya, and amending the 1982 Citizenship Law. lifted from Chin State and four townships. In addition, money for funeral arrangements are increased by one to five times of a worker’s salary. The NLD won a landslide victory in the 2015 elections, securing a majority of seats in the House of Representatives and in most of the regional parliaments; the exceptions were Shan State and Rakhine State, where ethnic parties won most of the votes. Thus, almost all of the militarily powerful ethnic groups, which also control large swaths of territory and have established para-state structures (e.g., the UWSA and KIO), have remained outside the peace process. The pair had reported on a military massacre of Rohingya in Rakhine State’s Inn Din village and police arrested them in December 2017. Professional organizations have been more active in recent years. Even so, the Anti-Corruption Commission has no mandate to investigate corruption inside the armed forces. In many parts of the country, school attendance remains low, teaching standards are poor and dropout rates are high. The funds provided more than $300 million for projects related to peace. The Thein Sein government undertook the Comprehensive Education Sector Review (2012 – 2015) in order to create a framework for rebuilding the education sector. At the local level, the “chief ministers” of the country’s (ethnic) states and (majority Bamar) regions are not selected by the local parliaments but appointed by the national executive. The NLD boycotted the elections due to the unfairness of the election laws. Second, some of the members of the Anti-Corruption Commission were replaced to give it more teeth. Since 2015, the government is fragmented between civilian- and military-controlled segments that do not communicate effectively. The approximately 128,000 Rohingya and Kaman Muslims confined to closed internally displaced people (IDP) camps in central Rakhine State have little freedom of movement and limited access to important health, education, and other humanitarian services. In early 2019, former USDP leader Thura Shwe Mann formed his own political party. Between August 3 and August 5, 2020, PACE conducted a total of 2577 interviews across the country to understand the general perceptions of the citizens of Myanmar, such as Approximately 3,000 people were killed in a crackdown on September 18, 1988, and a new junta took over. The NLD government has stepped up its campaign to combat corruption. Apart from bureaucratic reporting procedures, they also face pressures to officially register. These key areas include basic education as well as improvements in access and inclusion, curriculum, assessment, teacher training and management, alternative education programs, and technical and vocational education training. On the whole, the banking system remains small and unable to provide the required financing to support fast-paced economic growth. Even so, executive institutions have undergone changes in recent years. The staff report reflects discussions with the Myanmar authorities during December 5–19, 2019 and is based on the information available as of February 11, 2020. Especially since 2011, Buddhist nationalist groups such as the 969 Movement and Patriotic Association of Myanmar (Ma Ba Tha) have become highly assertive. Her position as state counsellor gives her the mandate to guide and direct government policy and coordinate parliament. These are often owned by the same actors (military cronies and family members of influential military generals) that controlled large-scale economic activity before the liberalization. The period also witnessed blatant human rights abuses against the Rohingya. Under the NLD government, civil society organizations complain of bureaucratic restrictions set up by the government. On the economy, the government is closely cooperating with international organizations and aware of the importance of foreign investment for future economic growth. The EU is considering withdrawing Myanmar’s GSP status. The authorities continue to make use of the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act of 1908 to intimidate and arrest political activists. Given the long legacy of military rule and the ongoing, incomplete transformation process, the legal situation is characterized by overlapping and contradictory laws. The military stepped in, imposing martial law and annulling the 1974 constitution. While military companies provided social security for the soldiers, protection for the rest of the population was extremely spotty, with less than two million persons covered. According to a 2014 survey by the Asia Foundation, more than 80% have no knowledge of the structure and functions of various levels of government. Myanmar did not have a functioning financial system during and in the immediate aftermath of military rule, and supervision rules are still underdeveloped and poorly enforced. Women face discrimination: ethnic-minority women not only face barriers in participation, they are also denied property rights. According to the 2008 constitution, the military controls the interior, defense and border affairs ministries. Under the new scheme, retirement benefits have also seen a boost. The 2008 constitution bars the NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi from assuming the presidency. 730,000 fled to neighboring Bangladesh. Massive donor funding to NGOs with limited capacities to absorb these financial flows has also led to serious organizational distortions within the NGO sector. The most glaring case of discrimination is the legal and political discrimination of the Rohingya minority, who are denied citizenship. Two new land laws were passed in 2012 (i.e., the Farmland Law, and the Virgin, Fallow and Vacant Land Management Law) that establish something like a private property system. It has also eliminated some draconian laws (e.g., the State Emergency Act and State Provisions Act) and released some political prisoners. Given that the formulations of many legal restrictions are vague, they can be applied in a wide array of circumstances, including against reports on corruption and ethnic politics or that portray the military in a negative light. Often the framework or standards for these innovations are provided by international organizations (e.g., the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, EITI). The prevalence of HIV infection among the population is approximately 1% to 2%, requiring a policy commitment to supporting those infected and reducing new infections. Given that the number of Rohingya still living in Myanmar amounted to only 1 to 1.2 million before the military’s operations in 2016, this means that the vast majority of this ethnic minority has now been displaced from Myanmar. While FDIs increased in 2016/17, new FDIs significantly declined in 2017/18 (by 50% in the first half of 2018). Starting in November 2018, fighting increased between the Arakan Army and government security forces in Rakhine and Chin States. The approximately 50,000 domestic and 7,000 foreign companies, which need to register again after the new law is implemented, will receive a solid legal foundation for operating in Myanmar. Since the whole banking system is in its infancy, the banks have not been seriously exposed to non-performing loans (NPL). Since ethnic regions are haunted by decades of civil war, it is difficult to overcome the existing war economies. Myanmar has submitted its first report to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), detailing what it has done to protect the minority Rohingya from … The informal economy is considered to be one of the largest in the world. Account deficits have also been rising. The actual budget deficit in 2017/18 was 2.7% and is increasingly financed by treasury bills and bonds. In the past half-decade, Myanmar has seen very little progress in this regard. These groups, however, do not reach out to all businesses as they are dominated by big businesses, restricting representation. Forestry, agriculture, fisheries and mining, among others, have played critical roles in the depletion of natural resources and serious environmental degradation. The NLD began freeing political prisoners and reforming some repressive laws (e.g., the State Protection Law and Emergency Provisions Act). First, the military holds 25% of all seats in the country’s national and regional parliaments – these are appointed by the Commander in Chief. In July, the United States imposed travel bans against key military leaders, including commander in chief Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, for their role in the persecution of the Rohingya. The military has already announced that far-reaching constitutional changes that include a reduction of its own political role should not be expected in the short term. The Human Rights Commission is very close to the government. The NLD government introduced a new Companies Law in 2018, which replaces the outdated 1914 Companies Act. Here, the ongoing influence of the military can be only partly blamed. The government ordered an internet blackout that began on June 21 across eight townships in Rakhine State and Paletwa township in Chin State, making it very difficult to verify reports of attacks on civilians and arbitrary detention, torture, and deaths in military custody. Described by the 2017 to 2021 National Health Plan as “a path that is explicitly pro-poor,” the new policies strive to address socioeconomic disparities in accessing health care by reducing the out-of-pocket costs. Within the civilian government, power is concentrated in the hands of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and a few change agents in her cabinet who are attempting to push forward NLD’s reform agenda.
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